Dissatifaction of the black masses12/7/2022 ![]() ![]() This newer, symbolic form of racism has been conceptualized as a set of attitudes acquired through socialization, as perceptions that people teach to each other through interpersonal interaction and learn through education, mass media, religious institutions, and other important sources of communication ( Henry & Sears 2002). Rather than defining racism as behaviors rooted in beliefs about the innate inferiority of others, scholars working in the Allport tradition argued that racism was more typically expressed as a perception that certain racial groups did not abide by norms of hard work and patriotism (see Hutchings & Wong 2014, p. It resulted in measures of racism as stereotypes against out-groups, interracial hostility, and beliefs in the innate inferiority of certain racial groups.Īs the civil rights movement progressed and cultural norms of appropriateness changed, many scholars began to view racism as less blatant. That approach catalyzed a dominant understanding of racism as prejudice, in other words as a matter of psychology. ![]() Allport looked across existing studies on prejudice and provided a detailed argument about the factors that appeared to be necessary to reduce prejudice through intergroup contact, typically referred to as the contact hypothesis. It may be directed toward a group as a whole, or toward an individual because he is a member of that group” ( Allport 1954, p. In that book, Allport gave to social science a comprehensive review and synthesis of what was known to date about ethnic prejudice, which he defined as “an antipathy based upon a faulty and inflexible generalization. Much of the modern study of the role of racism in public opinion has its roots in Allport's (1954) The Nature of Prejudice. THE NATURE AND ORIGINS OF THE RACIAL RESENTMENT SCALE In these ways, we can see the study of racism evolving in parallel with the broader public discussion: toward a recognition of the complex and fundamental ways it is woven into the culture and political life of the United States. In addition, we see reason to pay closer attention to the role of elites in creating and perpetuating a role for racism in the manner in which members of the public think about public affairs. We also see reason to move beyond thinking of racism as an attitude, toward conceptualizing it as a perspective. When we examine its most common measurement, the racial resentment scale, in light of contemporary events such as the elections of Barack Obama and Trump to the presidency, we find reason to reconceptualize this scale as a measure of perceptions of the reasons for political inequality. It is time to take stock of the way political scientists measure and conceptualize racism in the study of US public opinion. DISSATIFACTION OF THE BLACK MASSES PROFESSIONALThe advent of cell phones and their instantaneous presentation of evidence of racist acts, white supremacist support for President Donald Trump, the attention to racial justice insisted upon by professional football players kneeling during the national anthem, and other recent events have made it impossible for the US public and scholars alike to treat racism as a minor issue. But the contemporary political context has made it inescapable that racism plays a role, when racism is defined as a particular form of prejudice in which antipathy is expressed toward racial groups. To some, that is obvious to others, it is controversial and a matter of definition. ![]()
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